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Page 15
But the possibility of a flat tax presents two basic problems
First, its supporters, although somemes loud, have always been outnumbered by
those who favour at least some degree of progressiveness
Secondly, the possibility of a flat tax presents a technical problem: that it is very
difficult to extract any tax at all out of poor people. For that reason, a flat tax, if it
were to be feasible at all, would have to be charged at a very low rate. That, in turn,
would entail substanal cuts in government spending
Many advocates of flat taxes are indeed in favour of cuts in government spending;
but the two issues – that is, the level of government spending and the structure of
the tax system – are disnct
Alternavely, it would be possible to have a flat tax charged at a higher rate, if small incomes
were exempted altogether
But a flat tax that exempted small incomes would be, in its effect, progressive. That
is, people with larger incomes would pay a larger percentage of their income in tax
than people with smaller incomes. For that reason, many supporters of flat taxes
insist that the tax should be charged at the flat rate on all income, from the first
dollar
From this perspecve, a flat tax that exempted small incomes would largely or even
enrely miss the point
As for regressive taxes, almost everyone seems to agree that they are unfair
Nonetheless, regressive taxes are in fact common. The tax on cigarees, for example, is
steeply regressive. That is, the poor smoker typically pays a larger part of his income in
cigaree tax than the rich smoker. Petrol tax is also probably regressive. It is possible, too,
that general consumpon taxes, such as GST, are likewise regressive (but see above)
Smith’s analysis seems to incorporate two basic ideas, both of which have subsequently been extremely influenal and
evolved into:
o
Sacrifice theory (Smith did not invent this term)
This is the theory that the tax system ought to require everyone to make an equal sacrifice. In
principle, that might sound like a good idea
The problem is that it is unclear what “sacrifice” means and how you might measure it. For instance,
most people seem to think that equality of sacrifice requires people with large incomes to make a
larger contribuon than people with small incomes; but how much larger?
o
Benefit theory (Smith did not invent this term)
This is the theory that the tax system ought to require people to contribute to the state in proporon
to the benefit they receive from it
Again, that might sound like a good idea, but it is problemac in its implementaon in that it is
unclear how you might measure benefit derived from public spending
For instance, the cost of policing poor neighbourhoods might be more (due to higher crime
rates) than the cost of policing rich neighbourhoods, which would seem to constute an
argument for regressive taxaon. Conversely, a rich person might be prepared to pay more
than a poor one not to be mugged – but how much more?
Another example is that one of the funcons of the state exercised via the police (who are
paid for by taxaon) is the protecon of property – you benefit from taxes to the extent that
the state protects your property, so the benefit you derive should be proporonal to the
value of the property
o
Thus the appeal of both sacrifice theory and benefit theory turns out to be rather superficial. The literature on
sacrifice theory and benefit theory is substanal but ulmately inconclusive.
See generally Walter Blum and
Harry Kalven,
The Uneasy Case for Progressive Taxaon
(University of Chicago Press, 1953).
As for Smith himself, he seems, in his discussion of equity, to favour proporonal taxaon. But later in his book he says
this: “It is not very unreasonable that the rich should contribute to the public expense, not only in proporon to their
revenue, but something more than in proporon.” So here he seems to be favouring progressive taxaon. Thus it is not
really clear whether Smith favoured proporonal or progressive taxaon. But at the me he was wring the concepts of
proporonal and progressive taxaon did not exist, so it is hardly surprising that his analysis is a bit vague.


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